“The pen is mightier than the sword.” To the many members of the “Panulat para sa Kaunlaran ng Sambayanan” (PAKSA), giving life to the old adage proved to be an even more arduous and perilous exercise than what their counterparts in the Propaganda Movement went through. PAKSA, composed mainly of writers and poets, was among the organizations that clamored for social change in the early 1970s. While the chief aim of the Propaganda Movement, the precursor to the Katipunan, was to seek reforms from the Spanish government in the late 1800s, PAKSA and the various organizations that comprised a broad front in the pre-martial law days, were revolutionary. Tracing their roots and seeking to identify themselves with the anti-colonial struggle of old, they dubbed their politicalization effort as “The Second Propaganda Movement”. Otherwise, it was known as the national democratic cultural revolution. Jose F. Lacaba was a member of PAKSA.
Jose Maria Flores Lacaba Jr., more popularly known by his nickname Pete, was born on 25 November 1945 in Cagayan de Oro City but grew up in Pateros, Rizal. After finishing his primary education at the Ateneo de Cagayan, he went to the Pasig Catholic College to complete his elementary and high school education. In 1964, on his third year at the Ateneo de Manila University taking up AB English, Pete dropped out of school. He joined the Philippines Free Press in 1965, initially working as a copyeditor and proofreader and later as a staff writer and editor of the magazine’s Pilipino edition. He also organized its labor union.
Pete is a multi-awarded journalist, poet, author and screenwriter. He was a lecturer at the University of the Philippines and the Ateneo de Manila University, a lyricist and has done translations into Filipino of songs and dialogues of characters in foreign films. Among the numerous awards and honors he has received are the CCP Centennial Honors for the Arts and the Aruna Vasudev Lifetime Achievement Award for Writing on and for Cinema. He was a political prisoner from 1974 to 1976.
The article below, a recollection of the hardships that Pete suffered while in prison, was published in a weekly magazine and in his blog. Its inclusion in this collection was done with the author’s permission.
Remembering martial law
I wrote the following memories of martial law for a column I used to write for Philippine Graphic weekly magazine. It came out in a September 1995 issue. If memory serves, the unnamed friend mentioned in this column is lawyer Rene Saguisag. September 21, 2008, being the 36th anniversary of the declaration of martial rule, I thought this would be a good time for a “lest we forget” and “never again” reprint.
Jose F. Lacaba
The way it was.
When word got around a few years ago that a class suit was going to be filed against the Marcoses, I took note of it more as a news item than as a personal issue. I virtually ignored the forms that had come in the mail, asking me to recount the torture I had undergone under martial rule.
One week before the deadline for the submission of the depositions of torture victims, a friend called and asked why I hadn’t submitted mine. My friend said that, if not enough depositions were submitted to the Hawaii court, the Marcoses would be proven right in their contention that they were not world-class torturers and executioners, and they would be justified in asking for a dismissal of the case.
What needed to be done, my friend pointed out, was not primarily to get financial reparation for the harm that had been done to us, but to prove to the world that the Marcos regime had indeed been guilty of widespread and systematic torture and extrajudicial executions. If the class suit said there were around 10,000 victims of human-rights violations under Marcos, then it needed to get as close to 10,000 depositions as it could.
My friend’s arguments persuaded me to write the following account, which was submitted along with the requisite forms just a few days before the deadline set by the court for the submission of depositions:
At dawn of 25 April 1974, on the second year of martial law, I was awakened by shouts of: “Open up! We are the authorities!” I looked out and saw that the house was surrounded by armed men taking cover behind jeeps and cars that had their headlights on.
As soon as I opened the door, the first man who came in shoved the barrel of his rifle into my stomach. Then somebody spun me around and forced me to lie face down on the floor. In that position, I was stepped on, kicked in the ribs, hit in the back and on the back of the head with rifle butts.
After the house had been searched and my two house companions were in custody, someone who acted as though he was in command (I would learn later that he was a first lieutenant, but not the head of the raiding party) dragged me into the bathroom and asked if there was a tunnel underneath us. I couldn’t help giving a short laugh, struck by the absurdity of the question. Angered by my response, he gave me a sudden blow in the chest with his closed fist. The lieutenant was an Arnold Schwarzenegger pumping-iron type, and at that time I was a 111-pound weakling. That single punch sent me reeling against the bathroom’s tiled wall.
The sun was up when we were taken in separate cars to Camp Crame in Quezon City, to the headquarters of the 5th Constabulary Security Unit (5CSU). After some routine questioning and filling up of forms in the office, I was taken to the back, the troops’ sleeping quarters. Constabulary officers and enlisted men–including a buck private who was himself under detention, for murder–took turns making me a punching bag.
Mostly I was pummelled with fists in the chest and the stomach. I was seated on the edge of a steel cot. My tormentors and interrogators sat in chairs or stood before me, hitting me each time a question was asked or an answer was unsatisfactory. Troopers passing by, on their way to their lockers or wherever, felt free to hit my nape or the back of my head with open palms or karate chops.
At one point I was made to half-squat with arms outstretched. One of my torturers then took a broom and slowly, methodically beat my shins with the broom’s wooden handle. Although he seemed to be hitting me with very little force, the cumulative effect of the beating caused my shins to swell and made it sore and sensitive for a few days.
At another point I was made to lie down with the back of my head resting on the edge of one steel cot, both my feet resting on the edge of another cot, my arms straight at my sides, and my stiffened body hanging in midair. This was the torture they called higa sa hangin (lying down in air), also known as the San Juanico Bridge, named after the country’s longest bridge, built during martial law and dedicated by Marcos to his wife Imelda.
“Lying down in air” is difficult enough, since you have to contend with the pull of gravity. But even before gravity could take its toll, somebody standing close by would give me a kick in the stomach and bring my body down to the floor. The steel cot scraped skin off my nape as I slid down.
I was forced to “lie down in air” twice. The third time I simply refused to get up. I stayed crumpled on the floor and said, “You may as well just kill me. Go ahead and kill me.” That was when the torture stopped for the day.
I had been continuously tortured for about eight hours. Incredibly enough, we even had a lunch break. I forced myself to finish up the horrid prison food on the aluminum army tray that they placed before me, hoping that when they resumed hitting me in the stomach I would throw up in their faces. I never did.
I can no longer remember the exact sequence of events, but in the days that followed, during the fortnight when we were incommunicado and our families went desperately from camp to camp looking for us, I experienced various other forms of harassment and torture.
Once, while a deposition was being taken, the sergeant conducting the interrogation suddenly kicked me in the chest. We were both seated in one corner of the 5CSU office, face to face, and I insisted on answering only questions pertaining to myself, refusing to answer those that would implicate other people. After the nth “I prefer not to answer that question,” he raised his booted foot and gave me a kick in the chest that sent the chair on which I was seated skidding clear across the room. When the chair hit the wall, I fell to the floor.
On another occasion, a lieutenant reviewing my deposition made me stand in front of an air conditioner going full blast while he interrogated me. And he smiled when he saw that I was shivering uncontrollably.
On still another occasion, another lieutenant ordered me to close my eyes in the course of an interrogation. A hand that I assumed to be the lieutenant’s then slapped my closed eyes and my nape repeatedly, almost rhythmically.
Once, the detained soldier who had been one of my torturers on my first day took me out of the cramped prison cell that I shared with about 30 other political prisoners. He gave me a tongue-lashing for having poked fun at his rather unusual name. While he was spewing saliva in my face, his fellow soldiers gave me a few jabs in the ribs.
One day I was led out of the small prison cell, handcuffed, and made to board a jeep with three or four of the men who had tortured me on my first day. I thought for sure this was it, they were going to take me to wherever their killing fields were and blow my brains out. Instead, we went to a military hospital, the V. Luna in Quezon City. I recognized the place because it was there that my father, a war veteran, had died of cancer about a dozen years earlier.
It now seemed to me that my torturers were humane after all, that they would have me treated for the bruises on my nape and shins. But as soon as we were inside a doctor’s clinic in one of the wards, I was blindfolded with my own snot-splattered handkerchief, made to lie down on the examination table, and injected with what I would later surmise to be a “truth serum.” In a couple of minutes I felt like I had downed half a case of beer. My head swam, and my body seemed to float. Once again the third degree began. I can remember talking drunkenly and trying to give misleading answers that would still somehow sound credible to my interrogators.
I don’t know how long the interrogation took before I finally lost consciousness. It was dark when I was roused from sleep, taken to the jeep, and brought back to my prison cell. They had to half-carry me all the way. My legs felt like jelly, and I didn’t seem to have any control over any part of my body, although I kept mumbling my own mantra: “Mind over matter, mind over matter…” The mantra didn’t work.
About two weeks after my arrest, I was taken to the office of the lieutenant who had slapped my closed eyes. He said my wife and my mother were in the other room. They had finally found my place of detention. But the lieutenant said he would only allow me to see them if I would name one name and give one address of a person involved in the underground resistance. “Have pity on your wife and your mother,” he said. “They would very much like to see you.” After a few moments of agonizing, I said I couldn’t do it. He eventually let my wife and my mother come in and talk to me for about ten minutes, but not after subjecting them for a much longer time to the mental torture of knowing I was just in the other room and fearing they would not be allowed to see me.
I was detained without charges for close to two years. In the first six months of detention, I was made to wash cars and clean the enlisted men’s incredibly filthy latrines. Halfway through my detention I experienced a recurrence of the pulmonary tuberculosis of which I had already been cured before martial law. I had to be confined for about a month at the Quezon Institute, a hospital that specializes in tuberculosis cases. Three shifts of prison guards kept me company.
On the basis of close to 10,000 depositions similar, I suppose, to the one above, the Hawaii court declared the Marcoses guilty of human rights violations and ordered them to pay a billion plus, in dollars, as reparation to the claimants in the class suit.
It was, I thought, primarily a moral victory. I joked about what I would do with the loot, but I didn’t really believe there was any way the government or the Marcoses would give a billion plus, in dollars, to victims of human-rights violations, quite a number of whom remain not only nonconformist but also active, militant, even dissident.
Today the papers tell me that a deal is being worked out: if the Marcoses and the government agree to pay 100 million dollars, the claimants will drop all charges against the Marcoses. This is supposed to be a win-win-win solution.
I don’t know what to think. I have friends among both those who defend and those who denounce the deal, and I don’t know what to think. I could be a million dollars richer, but if the Marcoses are absolved of their crimes against humanity, then what I wrote about how I was tortured would turn out to be a lie, a figment of my overheated imagination.